Under the Concertacion and New Majority alliance, Guillier's main campaign promise focuses around decentralization, the development of a new constitution. He has also focused on infrastructure, specifically transportation in the metropolitan areas. Guillier has also proposed a Strategy of Digital Transformation, a strategy focusing on connectivity, a digital economy, and the development of the country's digital capabilities.

In regards to the private sector, Guillier promotes the development of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs, or Pymes in Spanish). Within this context, he has also stated an interest in reforming the labor code, in a three party dialogue between the government, the private sector, and labor representatives.

Guillier is a supporter of liberal foreign policy, and has expressed interest in continuing work within the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur.

Guillier is likely to maintain social programs, while also increasing the scope of active programs such moving towards a universal health system, creating a system of public pharmacies, and reforming the country's pension system.

Guillier has expressed his intent to exempt middle class Chileans of the VAT on homes. While it is likely that he focus on fiscal reforms, it is unlikely that he impose heterodox economic policies in office should he be elected.

Sanchez strong suit lies in social issues, including women's health, gender and economic inequality. She has yet to establish a series of economic, infrastructure, or foreign affairs proposals.

Sanchez has expressed her intent to expand the capacity of collective bargaining and to incorporate collective bargaining agreements or by sector of production. Sánchez has also called for the strengthening of the Chilean Unitary Workers' Union (CUT).

Information will be provided as Sanchez's campaign develops.

Sanchez is likely for the expansion and development of social welfare programs in Chile, as her focus on social issues is greater than macroeconomic or foreign affairs policies. Her economic advisor, Claudia Sanhueza, has expressed intent to reform the existing pension system, following the Uruguayan and Austrian models.

Sanchez's economic policy advisor is Claudia Sanhueza, has indicated that Sanchez's policies will include raising taxes and rules out austerity measures on public spending.

Her campaign's agenda has focused primarily on social security and health issues, especially for the elderly and disabled, but also regarding a general expansion of the public health system. Although she opposes a new constitution, she has proposed a comprehensive state reform, furthering decentralization towards regional governments and promoting accountability and a performance-oriented management within the public sector.

Goic has been deemed Chile's business community's favourite candidate. Although Piñera's policies are more business-friendly, his presidency was marked by uncertainty, social unrest and little governability; likewise, Guillier is considered unreliable. Goic's moderate position and reforms are well regarded by the business class, and her centrist position could bring about much desired political stability to the country.

Goic has expressed comittement to further regional integration and trade liberalization within her foreign policy agenda, indicating her support for the strengthening of the Pacific Alliance. She has also been a fierce critic of the Maduro government in Venezuela, demanding a more severe position from the Bachelet government.

Goic is likely to increase the coverage and scope of the public health system, granting treatment gratuity for a larger array of diseases. She has also supported extending superior education gratuity for the most vulnerable. Yet, she has indicated her inclination for further paticipation of the private sector in the provision of public services and the management of public infrastructure, such as hospitals.

Goic has committed to maintaning orthodox economic agenda, keeping strict control over public finances in order to attract foreign invesments.

Piñera's campaign is well structured and focuses on a series of topics including education, health, pension, increase in infrastructure, and security. However, his main promise lies in economic growth and decreasing the unemployment rate, which currently stands at 7%. His flagship program, Chile Invierte 2026 (Chile Invests 2026), a serious infrastructure program, with a focus on public-private partnerships.

Piñera has a high level of business friendliness. His flagship program, Chile Invierte 2026 (Chile Invests 2026) focuses on public-private partnerships.

Piñera follows a liberal ideology within foreign affairs. He is likely to continue Chile's status quo in regards to foreign affairs.

Piñera's previous experience in La Mondeda indicates that while he will likely maintain current social welfare programs, he may attempt to decentralize or promote the privatization of certain government programs. Piñera attempted to privatize certain aspects of the education system of Chile during his administration, which led to a series of protests.

Piñera is likely to maintain orthodox economic policies, which are in line with his center-right views.

Alvarez's main campaign promise lies in "untangling" Costa Rica. By this he means reducing the amount of bureaucratic processes that currently exist.

Alvarez's experience in the public and private sector provides insight to his private sector policies. His continuous visits to business associations and private sector chambers indicate that Alvarez is likely to have a high level of openness to the private sector and policies that benefit the private sector.

In regards to foreign affairs, Alvarez is likely to maintain Costa Rica's current free trade agenda, but may shift the diplomatic policies in cases where the Solís administration has faltered. Alvarez has been a strong attacker of the Maduro regime, a case in which the Solís administration offered support until recently. Additionally, within the foreign affairs policies, he brings in his main theme of debureacratization, such as the implementation of a single window policy.

In terms of social welfare, he plans to modernize the Costa Rican Social Service Fund (CCSS) by implementing technological solutions to existing issues. Due the Costa Rican political culture, it is unlikely that Alvarez reduce the level of social welfare in the country.

In regards to fiscal reform, he proposes an integral fiscal reform. He proposes this through three pillars: 1. Modernization of the fiscal structure; 2. Effective control over government expenditure triggers; and 3.Increase in transparency and accountability in the public sector accounts. However, he has yet to provide detailed information on a fiscal reform strategy.

Alvarado has outlined his campaign promises on his official campaign website. He focuses on the modernization of education, and the development of the internal agricultural market. In regards to urban development, he promises to build an elevated electric train system that connects San Jose, Cartago, Alajuela, and Heredia. He also aims to prohibit oil exploration in the country, following the sustainable and environmental agenda established by the Solís administration. Alvarado also highlights the need for integral fiscal reform, by establishing a progressive tax system and the creation of a value added tax (VAT).

Alvarado's private sector experience indicates that he is likely to be more open to the private sector that President Solís. Alvarado worked in Procter & Gamble as an regional assistant brand manager for many years.

In terms of experience, Alvarado has little in terms of foreign affairs. However, it is likely that he maintain the foreign policy established by the Solís administration.

In regards to social welfare, Alvarado aims to expand a series of social programs, such as the Bridge to Development and the Welfare Network developed by the Solís administration.

Alvarado's macroeconomic policy is likely to follow that of the Solís administration. He publicly supports the package of reforms Solís introduced to the National Assembly in mid-August.

Castro's main focus on the campaign trail thus far has been on security issues, but has not published his formal campaign promises or proposals. His promises focus on ending corruption and being the 58th legislative deputy, working directly with the National Assembly.

Castro has expressed his interest in privatizing state entities, such as the Institute for Costa Rican Electricity (ICE), establishing concessions in the development of public infrastructure projects, is a supporter of public-private partnerships.

Castro has not indicated what his stance on trade or what his foreign policy entails.

Castro has not indicated his stance on government programs.

Castro has stated that he will establish a value added tax of 13% and establish an accountability framework to monitor the government's use of the funds.

Guevara promises to "Place Order" by reducing the size of the federal government, the country's infrastructure, privatizing government entities, cutting social welfare programs, and reducing bureaucratic processes. Guevara has yet to provide a specific action plan.

In certain aspects, such as not increasing taxes and opening markets that are currently dominated by government entities, Guevara showcases a friendliness towards the private sector. He also supports reforms that decrease bureaucratic processes that he believes deter investment and entrepreneurship.

In regards to foreign affairs, Guevara does not seem to be driven by a nationalistic ideology and has expressed interest in reducing bureaucratic processes to facilitate foreign investment.

Guevara has stated that he intends to review all social welfare programs and provide services to those who really need them. Initial intervention is to be expected in the short term, while a reduction in government programs and government funds directed to those programs is expected in the long term.

In regards to macroeconomic policy, Guevara does not believe in creating additional taxes, but rather strengthening the current system to increase tax collection. Additionally, he aims to privatize government entities and cut government spending.

Hernandez divided his campaign into four pillars: 1. Human rights with a focus on family values, 2. Stabilizing and strengthening the economy, 3. Increasing security, and 4. Fomenting innovation.

In business friendliness, Hernandez is likely to promote policies that benefit the private sector as he aims to create jobs through private enterprise and not through the public sector.

On foreign affairs Hernandez is likely to maintain levels of the liberal ideologies in place, but has expressed contempt on "neighbors who trample Costa Rica".

Hernandez's conservative ideology will likely mean less intervention and limiting spending on social welfare programs.

In regards to macroeconomic policy, due to his conservative ideals, Hernandez is likely to follow orthodox policies. He has stated that he will have proposals to stabilize the economy through legal reforms to promote small businesses, tourism, and agriculture.

Piza's campaign promises focus on ten issues: 1. More jobs and reducing informal jobs, 2. Fight crime, 3. Infrastructure and transport, 4. Fight against poverty, 5. Recuperate the Costa Rican Social Security Fund (CCSS), 6. Fight corruption, 7. Eliminate processes and bureaucratic obstacles, 8. Right to family and life, 9. Fiscal balance, and 10. Democracy and political reform.

Piza's campaign promise of eliminate processes and bureaucratic obstacles is likely to benefit the private sector and increase the ease of doing business. His job growth strategy includes the strengthening of the private sector and attracting foreign direct investment.

Piza is likely to maintain the current foreign policy, following liberal trade policies. He has yet to indicate specific policy changes in regards to trade and foreign affairs.

In regards to social welfare, Piza has suggested a significant review on current government expenses on social welfare programs, including that of the integral package of health services and adjusting the variables of the welfare system. As such, under a Piza presidency we can expect reforms to the current social welfare systems.

In terms of macroeconomic policy, Piza does not provide any specifics. When discussing the fiscal reform, he suggests putting a cap on the government's fiscal deficit and public debt while decreasing the existing deficit without "dramatic measures". He has publicly opposed an increase in taxes.

Diaz-Canel has not developed a platform as he is not democratically elected.

Diaz-Canel has been an important ally for Castro in the development of the opening of Cuba policies. It is likely that he maintain a positive level of business friendliness in order to sustain growth.

In regards to foreign affairs, Diaz-Canel is likely to maintain the current opening of Cuba. He has also gained experience in foreign policy, often organizing and participating in delegations to China, Vietnam, and Venezuela.

Social welfare programs are likely to remain the same under his tenure, total state control of social services.

Diaz-Canel has not been an opponent to the reforms set in place by the Raul Castro administration. However, it is likely that the country's monetary and fiscal policy remain under tight control of the government.

Campaigns on the continuation of first term policies. For this campaign, he placed a focus on security and a "military police officer in every corner".

Hernandez has been friendly with the private sector.

Center - One of the main issues in Honduras is security. In this regard, Hernandez is open to regional efforts to solve the issue, as can be evidenced in Honduras' role in the Alliance for Prosperity. During his tenure, he has also advanced with the customs union with Guatemala, which is likely to facilitate commerce in the region.

Left - Hernandez is an advocate for the development government assistance programs, as evidenced by his "Better Life" social program.

Conservative - Hernandez raised the sales tax during his tenure, raising government revenue.

Zelaya's campaign is not well structured and he has often described it as "the same as the others". He offers social liberal policies with a focus on education.

Zelaya has expressed his intent to focus on national industry while also advocating for companies to invest in Honduras. As such, it is likely that he will attempt remain in the good graces of the private sector.

Center left - Zelaya has spoke little about his stance on foreign relations, but it is expected that he will continue to participate in the Northern Triangle regional initiatives, such as the Alliance for Prosperity.

Left - Zelaya, like his opponents, is a staunch advocate for social welfare programs.

Center - Zelaya has not been very outspoken on his stance on economic policy, but due to his economic background, it is likely that he stands more in the center.

Nasralla's campaign promises include fighting corruption at all levels. He has stated his intent to review the government's accounts and allocating funds to infrastructure projects, increase the country's agricultural production.

Nasralla has promised to promote and attract investment through the establishment of investment facilitation strategies and policies. He has stated that he intends to increase Honduras manufacturing capabilities, in order to lower the import of materials and goods that can be manufactured in house. This is likely to benefit local business, but may hurt multinational corporation's market. It is important to note that Nasralla has provided little information on exact policies that would increase local manufacturing and production for in-country consumption and exportation.

Nasralla has little experience on foreign affairs. He has yet to discuss this topic publicly.

Nasralla, like other candidates, is keen on instating social welfare programs. He has promised to subsidize energy consumption and formalizing peasant's agricultural production by developing government funded programs.

Nasralla has not indicated what his macroeconomic policy will likely be, but due to the developed alliance, it is likely that he stands within LIBRE's ideological spectrum on this issue.